THE Scottish Government, seemingly stuck in neutral for so long following the UK Brexit vote in June, have within the past week been swiftly shifting up the gears in moving to a potential second referendum on Scottish independence.

The chances of such a vote happening within the next couple of years have quickly moved from possible to probable in recent weeks, with Nicola Sturgeon presenting a new draft Bill on the subject.

Be in no doubt, historians of the future may look on this as a significant moment in Scotland’s constitutional trajectory. It may also mark the beginning of the end for the SNP’s Independence in Europe strategy, first devised some three decades ago. This new draft Bill is designed to afford the Scottish Government the opportunity to re-visit the question of Scottish independence before the United Kingdom leaves the European Union in 2019.

It includes within it various issues of procedure such as the question on the ballot paper, extension of the franchise and no minimum turnout requirement. Public consultation on the Bill runs until early in the new year.

It is clear the SNP is seeking to build up a narrative around a referendum campaign of a Scottish Government seeking to protect Scotland’s interests by establishing a solution that allows it to continue to be part of the EU’s single market. That solution looks increasingly as if it will require a second referendum as Scotland’s interests will not be protected within a UK choosing a hard Brexit option.

The opposite unionist narrative is rhetoric surrounding an “unwanted referendum”, “no mandate”, “divisive nationalists”, “separatism” and driving apart the UK. Introspection and irony is, of course, not considered.

That said, the Scottish Government face numerous obstacles on this new path to independence.

First, the Bill would have to pass a vote in the Scottish Parliament. This looks like one of the easier obstacles given the SNP and Green collective majority.

Second, UK-EU Article 50 negotiations with the EU should be deemed as not catering for Scotland’s interests. Again, this looks likely as the Scottish Government will be acting as judge and jury and recent rhetoric from UK ministers has been distinctly non-conciliatory.

However, after these two stages things begin to look rather more awkward and potentially complicated.

The draft Bill suggests, “it would be expected” that Westminster’s permission would be sought and given for the vote.

The stance of both the UK Government and Parliament is, as yet, unknown. Indeed they may not be consistent.

This is a new Prime Minister, leading a new UK Government, with a slim majority, seeking to effect fundamental constitutional change. There are lots of unknown variables in that mix. At this stage, a consensual negotiation along the same lines of the conciliatory Salmond-Cameron 2012 Edinburgh Agreement looks unlikely.

Even if Section 30 (Scotland Act) consent is given by the UK Parliament, there is still the fundamental obstacle of the electorate in Scotland. Opinion polls post Brexit initially hinted at an upsurge in support for independence, but have settled in the 47 per cent for – 53 per cent against territory in recent months.

Academic research tends to point to a hardening of views on both sides (ie, there are fewer “don’t know” voters up for grabs this time). The economic and currency questions look even more challenging and complicated for the Yes side today than they did in 2014. Convincing a majority of the electorate in Scotland remains a challenge. After that there is also the small question of the mechanics of exactly how Scotland stays in or re-joins the EU as a member state.

The SNP launched its Independence in Europe slogan back in 1988. It signalled a new route and strategy of the party back then. Since then the European Union has been viewed and presented as an alternative to the UK Union.

In recent years momentum and events in the UK suggest the SNP’s strategy may be finally bearing some fruit, 30 years down the line.

Patience is a quality the SNP leadership have been preaching to some of its more impatient members since 2014. At least they can say they have practised what they preach.




Neil McGarvey: Leadership demonstrates virtue of patience in pursuit of ultimate goal