I AM increasingly frustrated at much of the language and behaviour of those who oppose Scottish self-determination, but the one jibe which annoys me most is the attempt to portray independence supporters as “nationalist”.

As one such supporter, and a long-standing opponent of racism and bigotry, I am insulted by this characterisation. To be proud of one’s nation and the culture and values which it espouses is not nationalist, especially when those values demonstrate tolerance and are unselfish, outward-looking and international.

Allowing people who wish to share those values and live in Scotland is the opposite of nationalist. Putting in place discriminatory immigration policies, where access to money is more important than a person’s need, is nationalistic, as is failing to allow children whose parents have fled persecution and violence to join them in a safe country. The extent that bigotry and racism are tolerated in a country is a measure of its nationalism. As an Englishman living in Scotland, I can assure my friends, here and down south, that Scotland and the Scottish Government are not nationalist.

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It is time that all the progressive parties in the UK recognise that opposing Scotland’s right to determine its own future is playing into the hands of extremism. I want all candidates for the Labour leadership to put the past behind them. Their support for the Union for selfish party reasons, such as the source of a number of seats in the Westminster parliament, must end. They should recognise that an independent Scotland can be a beacon of hope for those who are suffering under an extreme right-wing government. I will be writing to all candidates for the party leadership to this effect.

Our political future must not be decided by politicians who create sound-bites of unfair allegations that are repeated so often they are accepted as fact. Scotland is different. Wanting to preserve that difference is why we seek to determine our own future.

Pete Rowberry
Duns

I FOUND the feature article by Simon Brooke (Politics as usual will not determine our future..., January 16) to be both reinvigorating and original. The former because Mr Brooke touched on the full range of challenges facing the wider Yes movement, and the latter because he interestingly touched on what some historic weaknesses of our movement have been, such as the need to convince rural Scotland that independence will not mean Edinburgh becoming a mini Westminster in its centralisation.

A few weeks ago I wrote in The National of how the SNP had, historically and ideologically, been a decentralist party and I encouraged it to recapture that important aspect of its soul. Mr Brooke rightly notes that the SNP in government in Holyrood has unfortunately had “a policy of centralisation”, yet this could be more to do with the financial constraints of devolution than a full-blooded desire to cement all powers in Edinburgh.

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Mr Brooke is right to identify that this is no small consideration for the Yes movement. Indeed, twice in my lifetime, both in the first devolution referendum of 1979 and in the independence referendum of 2014, areas like Tayside and Aberdeenshire were returning SNP parliamentarians across these decades, yet set their face against constitutional change due to fear of centralisation.

The century-long political struggle for Scottish independence has made it almost inevitable the focus has been on the journey rather than the destination, but that has to change. Since 1997 I have been of the firm opinion that an independent Scotland should seriously explore having a federal structure as a democratic antidote to the culture of power that has sadly developed in Holyrood.

Cllr Andy Doig (Independent)
Renfrewshire Council