A SCHOOL of thought suggests that Scotland’s independence will only occur if beneficial to Westminster. When Cameron authorised the referendum to take place in 2014, independence polls indicated support at 23%. The might of the establishment, backed by virtually all UK media, restricted the surge of support for a grass-roots YES movement to 45%. It felt like defeat for both sides.

Cameron, relieved, angry and shaken and independence supporters, confident, invigorated but bereft, anticipating years of purgatory.

Then, serendipity lent a hand, with a series of unlikely events coalescing to form an environment, where re-visiting the constitutional question, shortly, is apparently inevitable. The Brexit vote sits foremost. The dice fell perfectly for the independence movement. The consequent resignation of Cameron, followed by May’s internally undermined Government and the constant rise of Boris Johnson, to the pinnacle of British politics has done nothing to endear the UK parliamentary system to Scots.

The empirical evidence of this phenomena is a deposit of banked mandates and 20 consecutive polls showing majority support for independence.

The counter-argument from Union supporters, is that Scotland needs the UK’s economic “broad shoulders”. The argument that public-sector spending outstrips government revenues, causing unsustainable deficits, finds traction among the generally economically-illiterate public. This is no fault of the population.

Media, politicians and the economist commentariat perpetuate the money-scarcity myth. Every household analogy for government spending, each nod towards loanable funds or which cuts or tax-hikes will pay for spending proposals, create the obfuscating smokescreen.

The SNP, despite the wrangles of the 1% at the top end, stands strong and stable on the battlefield of British Politics. The party has gained a monopoly as the political arm of the Yes movement. Within the broad-church, the congregation is a parliament in waiting from all shades of politics and society.

Unity of purpose, the goal of independence, is the main pillar of the structure. Although the church will divide into constituent parts, that unity of purpose will power the new nation. The divisive and increasingly binary nature of UK politics must be left behind.

The question of how the new Scotland would deal with economics remains unanswered. To date, the policies proposed reflect the status quo, a “don’t scare the horses” mentality that is counter-productive. Scotland should not follow restrictive economics. Doing so would not only fail the Scottish population, but the entire UK.

Scotland’s economics should emulate the strongest feature of the SNP and wider Yes movement. A politically agnostic, pluralist, economic framework, with versatility to transform policy as Scotland evolves.

The necessary foundations are a Scottish Central Bank issuing a fiat Scottish currency, floating on the foreign exchange markets. This model allows all necessary infrastructure, resources and personnel to be employed.

Although currency is unlimited, there must be something to buy. A government is constrained by the resources available to buy with the currency. There are limits, but the government has more spending power than neoliberalism gives it credit for.

Agnostic politics, allied to agnostic economic policy answer all forensic enquiries on the future of Scotland financially, socially or politically.

The prospect of a better future for the many, may be the difference. The Scottish public seem to accept that change is necessary.

Scotland is not exceptional as a country or a population, however, there is an opportunity, to change the direction of travel.

D Murray
via email