THERE is a legitimate danger that when a political cause becomes so entwined with a political party, the sins of one become the downfall of the other. From my early days of chapping doors and running stalls ahead of the 2014 independence referendum, it was always important to me that a distinction be made between supporting independence and supporting the SNP. These should have been two distinct positions.

However, following a No vote six years ago, the SNP capitalised on the surge of political engagement and disillusionment with the traditional politics of the UK and named themselves as the only vehicle capable of delivering independence.

Thus the internal dramas of the leading political party in Scotland became inextricably twisted with the fate of the independence movement itself. Now, as internal factions move to oust the current leadership, SNP activists have found themselves unwittingly led along a path to a regime change that will cost the SNP its credibility – and with it, scupper our chances of a second referendum in the near future.

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The pitch to replace Nicola Sturgeon goes something like this: the current SNP leadership has been captured by a group of woke careerists hellbent on promoting minority interests over independence as the First Minister, more eager to maintain power than take decisive action on the constitutional question, sits on her hands while shutting down discussion of alternative routes to a referendum from true independence supporters.

This hits all the hallmarks of an effective political narrative: the threat of outsider influence, a convenient scapegoat and, at its heart, a saviour who can bring the SNP back from the brink. Politicians who have set their own sights on the throne are unsurprisingly the most vocal on pushing this narrative, relying on social echo chambers to repeat and reinforce it. It is, however, mostly a fabrication that has developed and spread like a fungus on the underbelly of the independence movement itself.

All good coups need a scapegoat and, luckily for any leadership hopefuls, there was an oven-ready target fresh from the trenches of the culture war who could be used as such; the transgender community. Institutional transphobia within the SNP has flourished over the last year, partly driven by bigotry, but also importantly by political convenience. Support for trans equality has been cynically portrayed as an unhinged, unpopular policy that will cost the SNP dearly in the polls and has itself become an existential threat to independence.

Yet the results in Scotland of the last General Election would appear to tell a different story entirely. Despite much gnashing of teeth from declining bloggers, the SNP increased their MP count by 13 in 2019. In fact, of the MPs elected, some were the most high-profile and outspoken supporters of trans rights. MPs such as Mhairi Black were actually returned to Westminster with an increased number of votes.

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Since including GRA reform in their 2016 manifesto, the total extent of action taken by the party in four years has been to hold a public consultation on the subject, then delay any reforms to an undefined point in the future. That’s it.

Does that genuinely sound like a party who has put minority interests front and centre in its administration?

It should also be noted that the consultation in question found that a majority supported not only self-id for transgender people, but legal recognition of non-binary identities, which the SNP then dropped from its proposals.

The second premise of the bid to replace Nicola Sturgeon as leader comes from the belief that the First Minister isn’t truly capable of securing an independence referendum, and that someone else needs to take the reins to do so.

Bizarrely, this conversation takes place against the backdrop of 15 consecutive polls showing that support for Scottish independence has never been higher – an achievement in part attributed to the First Minister’s governance. I think it shows how deeply this political narrative has buried itself within some elements of the SNP that, in the face of surging support for both independence and the party itself ahead of next year’s Holyrood election, they can only see failure.

Obviously, that’s not to say the SNP leadership shouldn’t face criticism. Far from it. As the party of government, it’s a democratic imperative that their behaviour is fairly scrutinised, and there are plenty of criticisms to be made.

As a party, the SNP have collectively failed to tackle transphobic sentiment among their ranks and allowed it to take root.

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Questions around democracy within the SNP are also well founded. Recent party conference motions have been, by and large, back-patting exercises that congratulate the SNP on past achievements without holding them to future commitments.

However, the politicians and activists manoeuvering themselves into positions of power aren’t focusing on valid concerns. Instead, they have been using emotive, fictitious threats as a springboard to bolster their own support.

Party members should be wary of anyone trying to lead them into an internal battle based on such a shoddy premise with a convenient scapegoat lined up and ready to go.

Their goal may not be securing independence at all, but rather, in the words of SNP MP Kirsty Blackman this week, “so that empire building can happen within the SNP”. Activists need a reality check before they hand the reins of power to politicians whose ego far exceeds their popularity and ability. Because, unfortunately, if the SNP implode, so too do our chances of securing independence in the near future.