THE recent debate surrounding how supporters of independence should cast their second vote betrays an uncomfortable truth lying at the heart of the movement. In essence all protagonists want the same outcome (the maximum possible number of pro-independence MSPs) but, due to the vagaries of an unsatisfactory voting system, a simple strategy to achieve this is lacking.

However, this debate is a tactical short-term disagreement framed by the binary Yes-No/them-and-us divide. What is ultimately important, as Nicola Sturgeon has emphasised, is reaching out to No voters, whatever their reasons for how they chose to cast their vote. To do that, the Yes movement must have demonstrable self-confidence in their argument. If No voters perceive any doubt then the strength of that argument will be irrelevant.

How do you think Unionists and any undecideds will view this argument about second votes?

Wee Ginger Dug, among others, advocates a both-votes-SNP strategy in part because the mainstream media will use any drop in SNP numbers as a means to proclaim loudly that the tide has turned against nationalism. Of course they would, but does that really matter? How many Yes voters began the campaign at best sceptical of independence following years of media Unionism? Did they change their mind because the Yes movement minimised excuses for scare stories and prophecies of the death of the movement for independence? No, they voted

Yes because they were persuaded by the arguments and absolute conviction of the thousands of grassroots campaigners. People will vote in the next referendum for exactly the same reason.

What the second-vote debate highlights is a lack of belief, a lack of confidence that the cause of independence can survive the vagaries of a parliamentary election. Momentum does not just come from the number of seats held by the parties advocating independence, although this undoubtedly helps. The ebb, and possibly small flow, of unionist party seats at Holyrood is an irrelevance in the grand scheme of things. Vote for who you think best represents your interests and opinions; and do so in the confidence that the arguments for independence are strong, they traverse the entire political landscape, unbowed by party political differences. Have belief: it’s the only way to win.

Iain Wilson, Edinburgh

I WISH to comment briefly upon Deborah MacKichan’s comments regarding her choice of list vote (Letters, April 23).

At the last European election in Scotland, the SNP fell 18,000 votes short, across the whole of Scotland, in securing a third seat in the European Parliament. That want of 18,000 votes saw UKIP gain their first elected representatives in Scotland; the caricature that is David Coburn.

That is how fine the margins can be, and when Deborah says she will vote Green “to make sure” we have a bolder Holyrood then I would caution her optimism.

There are no certainties in politics and her “well-intentioned” list vote is just as likely to allow Unionists in by the side door.

I for one don’t intend waking up the day after the election lamenting the fact another failed Westminster stooge has been returned to elected politics, which is precisely what may happen gambling on the uncertain numbers of the regional list vote.

Kevin Cordell, Broughty Ferry

WE are not even two years down the line from Indyref and in that time the SNP have managed to attract a large and vocal contingent of the Yes vote, as well as many people who have come over to support the SNP possibly out of a sense of shame at their No vote, especially after seeing what it delivered: EVEL and the pig in a poke of the Scotland Bill. But the main concerns which failed to convince the floating No voter remain. Competent and effective government is simply not enough to convince them.

The SNP have spent the time since September 2014 focusing on consolidating their position in government, some would say to the detriment of the independence campaign as a whole. This is set to continue until after the council elections in 2017, and I see no major move towards a referendum before that date, regardless of the EU referendum result.

The SNP manifesto cites the UK voting to leave the EU as a possible trigger to a new referendum on Scottish independence. It seems to me that many, many Scots are pinning their hopes on this happening, however should this happen it is no guarantee that a referendum could be won. Imagine if Scots overwhelmingly vote Remain while rUK votes Leave, and this is used as reason to trigger a referendum. Should Scots subsequently vote No we would be in the most bizarre limbo, where the only possible interpretation of that result would be that we wish to be in the EU with the UK, or outwith the UK but not independent within the EU! I believe that a Scottish Remain vote should be viewed not as a possible referendum trigger but as a de facto referendum vote. If we vote Remain and the UK votes Leave then declare our independence. No Indyref 2 please, just independence.

James Cassidy, Address supplied

Any readers who may still be in any doubt about the safety of fracking – watch the video of the Condamine River in Australia on fire.

Willie McDonald, Nairn

AS the Scottish election approaches it has emerged that the real race is that of second place and the prospect of the Conservatives forming the main opposition in Scotland. How can this be when Scotland’s political leaning is traditionally to the left?

There was a day in Scotland when Labour filled this role, but Scotland deserted the Labour Party when under Tony Blair it took a monumental shift to the right. So why should a left-of-centre Scotland give any support to the Conservatives, who had their worst Westminster election result in Scotland for decades in 2015? Has anything changed in a year to persuade Scotland to vote Conservative?

I can’t think of anything coming from the Conservatives at Westminster which would persuade Scotland to swing to the right, but I can think of plenty of reasons and legislation coming from the Conservatives at Westminster that would encourage Scotland never to veer to the right – tax breaks for the wealthy at the expense of the poor, benefit sanctions for our sick and vulnerable and back-door privatisation of public services to mention a few, all policies the SNP Government in Scotland opposed.

Catriona C Clark, Falkirk